- Author: Isa Kátharsis
- Info Lo qué tenga qué decirte, lo escribiré aquí... es una cuenta para desahogar el momento qué estoy pasando...
Skip to main content Catharsis is the process of releasing, and thereby providing relief from, strong or repressed emotions. This is usually done through art forms such as tragedy, drama, dance and music. The AIDS Epidemic started in the Late 70's and 80's spreading through the United states leaving a trail of death, confusion, and fear while communities watched it all happen on the news. Watch for $0. 00 with Prime By ordering or viewing, you agree to our Terms. Sold by Services LLC. | Studio Bawn Television Subtitles English [CC] Audio Languages English Purchase rights Stream instantly Details Format Prime Video (streaming online video) Devices Available to watch on supported devices Customer reviews 5 star 0% (0%) 0% 4 star 3 star 100% 2 star 1 star 1 customer review There was a problem filtering reviews right now. Please try again later.
2:47 “I dont care who called me Sasaki” it means that kaneki is kaneki, not Haise no matter how many people think otherwise. 3:25 “You killed the manga, how could you let me down? You killed the manga, collapse it” (got from another comment.
Catharsis Watch movie page imdb. Catharsis Watch movies. Doda Forever <3 ( kto słucha w 2016?. Is the sanitization of cinematic violence what makes us numb to it? I remember the first time I ever, intentionally, broke something. Not an accident or an “Oops! ” moment, but a cinematic bottle breaking. Like the kind you see in films, typically a shot of just a hand arching back and with the swiftness of a snake, crashing into a bar (or table or chair or anything really), the shatter of the glass reverberating in their ears as it twinkles in the night sky, a mist of microscopic shards. This is always a last-ditch effort in a film, our heroes or villains are found empty-handed, so they grab the nearest thing and smash it against something for a makeshift weapon. I didn’t need a weapon, this wasn’t in spite, I wasn’t upset: I just had the instinctual desire to break something. So I took a bottle, walked to my apartment complex’s parking lot, and smashed it on a parking barrier with all my might. I felt bashful afterward, the neck of the bottle still in my hand as I made my way to our recycling because while it did scratch the primal itch I had in my gut, I let myself express what could be seen as a violent act. A complex feeling when you grow up a pacifist. What about my actions were causing this pocket of shame? If these tendencies are innate in the human experience, shouldn’t we be actively developing ways to alleviate these aggressions in a safe, potentially positive way? While certain cities have Rage Rooms, think an Escape The Room except you get to break plates and glasses rather than solve puzzles, there is another: our cinemas. I was in the air when the Marjory Stoneman Douglas shooting happened. I was on a flight to LA, first time sober, and the churning anxiety of traveling with heightened mental clarity was both a blessing and a curse when I finally landed and checked my phone. Seventeen dead in the sixth mass school shooting in 2018. Reports from inside the school slowly started to come out: text message conversations, phone calls, and most affecting, videos of the immediate aftermath. The things I saw from these young adults are categorically worse than anything I’ve ever seen in a film. Make no mistake: films have shown more grisly scenes, but nothing knocks your breath out like an abandoned backpack you know won’t be retrieved by its owner. Countless aftermath videos continued to pour out days after the tragedy, the news cycle playing them ad nauseam and for all eyes to see. And we needed to see them because, for every declaration of “Never again! ” from politicians, it just won’t stop. We’re scared because it’s an epidemic without hope for a cure. And when we’re scared, we look for the easiest enemy to single out, and for many senators and politicians, that’s violence in film and media. It’s the age-old scapegoat that’s been used since Columbine, that films like The Matrix and games like Doom are warping young minds by exposing them to extreme, virtual aggression. And even as the MPAA and ESRB have tightened their grip on what content is suitable for audiences, nothing has been solved by putting more restrictions on these artistic mediums. But, to take a point from The Purge franchise, now in its fifth year with the highly anticipated sequel The First Purge coming this summer, what if the answer to addressing societal violence isn’t by inhibiting the content, but facing it? If violence is woven into the fabric of society, what do we gain in hiding what it looks like? Now more than ever, don’t we need to see the accurate depictions of violence, ones that have been typically reserved for genre cinema, in other films? Could this actually be an out-of-the-box deterrent for the type of violence we’re seeing currently in the States? Maybe, but first, we need to understand the differences in what violence looks like on screen. “Is it true that there’s a place in your head that, when you shoot it, it blows up? ” A hilarious line from 2007’s Hot Fuzz, but a rather fitting quote to help illustrate the differences in cinematic violence. As genre fans many times we find ourselves having to defend why we like violent movies while abhorring real-world violence. Violence in film isn’t a black and white issue, as if we cannot learn and teach the differences between fantasy and reality. The deaths that are ribbed in Edgar Wright ‘s film are for an intentional effect. Many deaths in some of the biggest crowd-pleasing slasher films are for comedic effect. Adam Green makes a huge point that despite Hatchet 2 being slapped with an NC-17 rating and pulled from theatres, the violence in the film is cartoonish. In other words, the human body can’t do the things that are seen in these films. Their pedigree is aligned closer to Looney Tunes than Henry: Portrait of a Serial Killer. Yet even then, they are lumped into the same category because Hatchet appears on the same video store shelf as Henry. When Passion of the Christ came out though, younger people were allowed and encouraged by churches to see the film. They reasoned that this is a biblical story that audiences should witness for their faith, so families took their children despite Mel Gibson’s film having a hard R rating and being aggressively violent and gory. The hyper-realistic violence was just part of the story. But if this depiction of violence had been in, say, a Marvel film the MPAA and parents group would have likely been alarmed. This reinforces that younger people can handle seeing this level of violence, now more so than ever with the internet and 24-hour news cycle. But they deserve to understand what that means, especially as sanitized cinematic violence is becoming necessary for the superhero stories that have taken over Hollywood. When I was watching Marvel’s Black Panther, Michael B Jordan ‘s character Killmonger assassinates a Dora Milaje by slashing her throat. This act stops time, languishing in the violent moment until everyone, audience included, moves on to the epic final confrontations enraged by Killmonger’s actions. Earlier in the film during a heist of Wakandan artifacts infused with Vibranium, the films fictional energy source, countless people are shot in the head or riddled with bullets by Andy Serkis, many at point-blank range. What was noticeably missing? Blood. Realistic blood. While we do see a small puddle of crimson from one victim, an artistic choice rather than accurate physiology, we don’t elsewhere. When the Dora Milaje guard has her throat slashed, a bread-and-butter death for the horror fan, we see nothing of the reality of what something like that would actually look like. For as far as we are concerned, Killmonger could have used a soft pillow to “kill” her. Ultimately: these deaths have no impact because they lack any realism, any honesty to the actions. More than anything else this lack of blood is what is glorifying the weapon, rather than the act itself. It’s what gives films like The Purge its punch. While many may say that The Purge franchise is glorifying its predilection for violence, by making the deaths legitimate our eyes are forced to process what we are watching on a much deeper level. It’s in reason to then correlate that if younger people are exposed to violence that categorically does not look realistic, like the countless number of bloodless bullet-ridden bodies in the family-friendly Marvel Comics Universe, that what they are processing isn’t based in reality. It gives them a sterile view of what violence really is, and a shallow opportunity to process it. While it is noble to want to shield younger generations from seeing overt violence on screen, at what cost is this censorship? If children who are mature enough to watch films like Black Panther see honest depictions of violence, could it be concluded that they too will be put off by it, reticent to even think about pointing a gun at another? This could help younger people to understand better the real world impact that violence, especially with guns, actually have. Because characters already die in these movies, by equating the same amount of carnage from shooting a target on a private range with shooting a person could be dangerous. We’re not afraid of showing our kids death, but we’re afraid of showing them the impact of death. And in a nation where active shooter drills are being taught to Kindergarteners, doesn’t our youth deserve to understand the implications of violence? Only through censorship do we set ourselves up to repeat history.
TOPLUM FARKLI OLANI DIŞLADIĞINI SANARKEN, ASLINDA FARKLI OLAN DIŞLAMIŞTI TOPLUMU. Catharsis watch movie free. Plastic Tac Tic, no one can go crazy anymore. Catharsis Watch movie. Meriç sen çok güzelsin. Kötü olan insanlık. En yakın zamanda kendin olabilmeni, özgürce kendini yaşayabilmeni diliyorum💙. Catharsis Watch movie page. Catharsis watch movie english. Esto es lo único bueno que tiene Tokyo ghoul re: 2 : v.
Did any youtuber use this? im trying to figure out why it was in my playlist as i never listen to japanese music. Noone even notice the guitars. Guitars are perfect. TK doing pretty well. High tempo with emotional, This is what we call Post hardcore. Btw listen all of them song, Guitar riffs are pretty solid. Wszyscy piszą że ta piosenka to ich dzieciństwo, ale. ta piosenka jest bardzo seksualna i oczywista w tym. więc troche dziwnie czyta się takie komentarze. xD. Brutal. increiblemente genial esta. 😀😀😀🤣. Catharsis Watch movie database.
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Catharsis watch movie download. Catharsis watch movie reviews. 4:00 kurtka. D. His tokyo ghoul ops are some of my favourite covers of all time. TK never make me disappoint ❤️. SUPER BADASS! 😍😍😍. Man youre incredible,this arrangement made me want to go back and see Tokyo Ghoul Re! Simply beautiful and i really loved this particular graphic! 👏🏼👏🏼😁. Catharsis watch movie 2017. 最初この歌あんまりスパイダーマンと合ってなくて結構嫌いだった でも映画見終わった後に歌詞とか韻の踏み方とかが本当に映画とマッチしててメチャメチャ好きになった Wake upの所カッコ良すぎ. Psychotherapy Mehmet Eskin, in Problem Solving Therapy in the Clinical Practice, 2013 Catharsis Catharsis is one of the most important change processes in psychotherapy. Traditionally in a hydraulic model of emotions, unacceptable affects are blocked from direct expression. Releasing unacceptable emotions in psychotherapy eliminates the negative consequences of emotions. During psychotherapy, the client is freed from the emotional inhibitions and can experience his or her emotions. In order for catharsis to take place during therapy, the therapist should create a secure environment for the client. The critical point is liberating oneself from the psychological inhibitions. This is possible only in an environment as secure as a mother’s arms. Catharsis at the Experiential Level If cathartic reactions come directly from within the client, such as his or her own feelings, thoughts, and behaviors, it is called corrective emotional experience. What is important here is that the individual’s own subjective experiences start the catharsis. During PST, when the client sees his or her attitudes toward problems and his or her strengths or weaknesses in dealing with them, he or she may experience feelings like happiness, pleasure, anger, rage, or disappointment. The therapeutic skills of the problem-solving therapist will determine whether or not catharsis will take place, in which way it will take place, and whether or not he or she will be able to create a secure environment for the client. Catharsis at the Environmental Level If cathartic reactions are evoked by observing emotional scenes and processes in the environment, this is called dramatic relief. The individual’s experience of catharsis by observing the scenes in the external environment and feeling a great relief as a result is as old as the history of humanity and it is very common. For instance, the individual will experience complex emotional reactions while watching a movie or a play in a theater and feel great relief leaving the theater. The reasons for watching the movie or play may partly be due to catharsis. The identification with the characters in the films is important here. During PST, the client with the new skills and perspectives he or she has recently acquired observes the reactions of the individuals to problems and may feel relief as a result of some feelings he or she experiences within the affective context of his or her own past. Or, he or she may experience catharsis by observing the way others deal with and solve their problems. C Natalia B. Stambulova,... Iouri Bernache-Assollant, in Dictionary of Sport Psychology, 2019 There has been controversy regarding the use of catharsis as it has been argued that, with violence, e. g., catharsis leads to further violence. Bennett (1991) argued that using catharsis in football would drain the athlete’s energy and lead to diminished performance. Abrams argued ( 2010) that athletes renew their motivation and energy continually so this is not the problem. The challenge is the method of how catharsis is used. If one feels better after discharging pent-up emotion, he/she is likely to use that method in the future as it is reinforced. Thus, when using catharsis, it is important not to utilize striking exercises to relieve the tension because the individual may be more likely to strike out. Rather, catharsis can be utilized by athletes, especially with exercise, but care should be taken to not use methods that, if repeated, could damage the athlete (by them getting physically harmed or face the legal consequences they may face) and those around them (who may be the victim of the athlete’s violence). H Konstantinos Velentzas,... Jamie Barker, in Dictionary of Sport Psychology, 2019 The origins of Exercise Psychology dates back to Ancient Greece (see catharsis) An Exercise and Sport Psychology Interest Group was formed in 1982 at the American Psychological Association Convention in Washington, DC, Division 47 (the Division of Exercise and Sport Psychology) was officially approved in 1986, with William Morgan as the first Division President. Published research in various areas within exercise psychology flourished starting in the 1970s, especially exercise addiction as well as the use of exercise as a therapeutic intervention for depression. Considerable work has focused on exercise as a therapeutic intervention for psychological issues, including anxiety and depression, starting with an edited book on this area in 1984 and continuing to the more recent Oxford Handbook of Exercise Psychology ( Acevedo, 2012). Kate Hays is known for her work on the use of exercise in psychotherapy, for the practitioner and the layperson. Considerable current interest focuses on the use of exercise as part of the psychotherapeutic process. Bonnie Berger (see, e. g., Berger & Tobar, 2011) has conducted extensive research on exercise and quality of life. One could consider the field of exercise psychology as having ‘arrived’ with numerous recent textbooks. Several recent books on applied exercise psychology have become available, from work by Mark Anshel to Mark Andersen and Stephanie Hanrahan (e. g., 2015) to Razon and Sachs (2018). Most of the recent work continues to focus on exercise as a therapeutic intervention for negative states, such as stress, anxiety, and depression, but also on how regular exercise can enhance one’s ability to deal with life’s challenges. Dose/response relationship is a key area of interest. Of particular concern is motivation/adherence for exercise and physical activity within public health, given the epidemic of obesity/sedentariness and the critical importance of exercise and physical activity in addressing these issues. Additional work focusing on the importance of making exercise fun/enjoyable is key within motivation/adherence for exercise and physical activity. Other noteworthy work is focused on the psychology of exercise in various populations, especially considering age and disability status. Adults: Clinical Formulation & Treatment Lisa H. Jaycox, Edna B. Foa, in Comprehensive Clinical Psychology, 1998 6. 22. 5. 1 Hypnotherapy Hypnosis has long been used in the treatment of post-trauma disturbances ( Spiegel, 1989). Freud used hypnosis to facilitate abreaction and catharsis, which he felt were necessary for recovery. Spiegel advocates the use of hypnosis in treating PTSD because processes akin to hypnotic trance, such as dissociation, occur naturally and are commonly used during or after a trauma. Spiegel proposes that hypnosis may facilitate the remembering of traumatic experiences that were encoded in a dissociative state. Several case reports have described the usefulness of hypnosis for individuals with PTSD stemming from a variety of traumas (e. g., Jiranek, 1993; Kingsbury, 1988; Leung, 1994; MacHovec, 1983; Peebles, 1989; Spiegel, 1988, 1989). However, most of these lack methodological rigor and therefore the conclusions that can be drawn from them about the efficacy of hypnosis are limited. One large controlled study compared hypnosis, desensitization, and psychodynamic psychotherapy with a wait-list control group among individuals who had experienced stressors ( Brom, Kleber, & Defres, 1989). The majority of the participants, however, did not directly experience the traumatic event, but rather had lost a loved one. All three conditions produced superior improvement to the wait-list condition on self-report measures, but no differences across the three treatments were observed. Specifically, improvement in post-trauma symptoms was 29% for psychodynamic therapy, 34% for hypnotherapy, and 41% for desensitization, compared with about 10% improvement in the wait-list condition. This study offers evidence for the efficacy of hypnosis and other psychosocial therapies in reducing bereavement-related symptoms. Classic Theories of Humor Rod A. Martin, Thomas E. Ford, in The Psychology of Humor (Second Edition), 2018 Catharsis Hypothesis The release of libidinal impulses through the enjoyment of hostile or sexual humor should reduce the strength of one’s aggressive or sexual drive states, respectively. Research also has produced mixed support for the catharsis hypothesis. Consistent with the hypothesis, some research has found that exposure to hostile humor decreases aggressive responses on both nonbehavioral measures (e. g., Leak, 1974; Singer, 1968) and behavioral measures (e. g., Baron, 1978a). Singer (1968) for instance, experimentally induced aggressive motivation in African-American participants by exposing them to an audiotape describing hate crimes and other racially motivated abuses of African-Americans. He then exposed participants to hostile antisegregationist humor, neutral humor, or a benign documentary. Results showed that, for highly aroused and involved participants, hostile humor reduced aggressive impulses, and enjoyment of hostile humor was associated with a reduction in “residual aggressive motivation and tension” (p. 1). Contrary to the catharsis hypothesis, however, other research has shown that hostile humor actually increases expressions of aggression (e. g., Baron, 1978b; Berkowitz, 1970; Byrne, 1961; Mueller & Donnerstein, 1983; Ryan & Kanjorski, 1998). Berkowitz (1970) either angered or did not anger female college student participants. The students then listened to either hostile or nonhostile humorous tape recordings of a comedy routine. Afterwards, the students evaluated a female job applicant on various positive and negative traits. The results indicate that participants in the hostile humor condition ascribed fewer positive traits to the female applicant and gave them more negative overall evaluations. More recently, Ryan and Kanjorski (1998) found that enjoyment of sexist humor was positively correlated with several measures of sexual aggression. One problem with reconciling the conflicting findings is that there is disagreement about whether the process of catharsis should result in less aggressive overt responses (e. g., Berkowitz, 1970; Byrne, 1961) or a weaker impulse to behave aggressively ( Singer, 1968). Singer (1968) referred to the impulse to behave aggressively as “motive strength, ” and it has been assessed by nonbehavioral measures such as mood checklists ( Dworkin & Efran, 1967; Singer, 1968) or attitudes toward an aggressor ( Landy & Mettee, 1969). In addition, the lack of a clear definition and direct measurement of catharsis makes ambiguous the role of catharsis as a mediating variable, even in studies that support the hypothesis. Dworkin and Efran (1967), for instance, found that both hostile and neutral humor reduced hostility scores on a mood adjective checklist (see also Baron & Ball, 1974). According to psychoanalytic theory, neutral humor could not have reduced hostility through catharsis. Thus, without a direct measure of catharsis and a test of its mediation (see Box 2. 3), it is impossible to know whether the aggressive humor produced a cathartic effect, or whether it reduced hostility through some other psychological mechanism. Also, it is noteworthy that the catharsis hypothesis has received little empirical support more generally in the social psychological literature ( Baron & Richardson, 1994). Box 2. 3 Illustration of a Mediation Model Psychologists conduct mediation analyses to explore the underlying mechanism or process by which one variable influences another ( Cohen, Cohen, West, & Aiken, 2003). The mediator variable represents that underlying mechanism. In the case of the Catharsis Hypothesis, catharsis—the release of libidinal impulses—is the mediator variable that explains why exposure to aggressive/sexual humor should reduce aggressive/sexual impulses. Emotional Inhibition and Health H. C. Traue, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001 5 Rituals and Therapeutic Interventions Most societies seem to contain at least some implicit knowledge that emotional inhibition has negative health implications. The conflict resulting from the need for emotional regulation on the one hand and the need for disclosure, sharing, and catharsis on the other hand leads to a variety of cultural phenomena to solve this conflict. These include older universal cultural rituals (such as rituals of, grief, or lament), or religious acts such as confessions. The Wailing Wall in Jerusalem, where people have been going for centuries to deliver a written prayer, is possibly an example of an ancient disclosure phenomenon. Contemporary Western societies have introduced psychotherapy for enhancing emotional expressiveness. Here, talking or writing about emotions is encouraged, as is the acting out of emotions in role-plays. Assertiveness training aims at effective expression of emotion and catharsis-based techniques like confrontation are modern remedies for anxiety, PTSD, and the like. All of these techniques seem to have in common that they are directed at the construction of meaning from emotional experience. Culture, which may be construed as a subset of possible meanings, is therefore a very important mediating factor in this process. New approaches to cross-cultural psychology have proposed intercultural differences in emotional inhibition based on dimensions like masculinity–femininity, collectivism–individualism, uncertainty avoidance, and power distance. The Use Of Dreams In Modern Psychotherapy Clara E. Hill, Sarah Knox, in International Review of Neurobiology, 2010 v Summary of Process Evidence All components of the Hill model (exploration, insight, and action) appear to be helpful. Furthermore, it is helpful for clients to gain insight, make links to waking life, hear a new or “objective” perspective, experience feelings/ catharsis, and hear ideas for changes. It also appears that client involvement and motivation are key components of dream work using the Hill model. Finally, if clients are to gain insight, they need to not be overwhelmed by affect in the session and be open to and trusting of the therapist. Furthermore, therapist presence and perhaps empathy are important, along with the ability to use probes for insight. Infinite Ammo Mathew Bumbalough, Adam Henze, in Emotions, Technology, and Digital Games, 2016 Literature Review Before moving further, it is first important to make a distinction between violence and trauma. We define trauma here, as the damage digital characters experience to their psyche as a result of distressing environments and incidents, whereas violence is simple wanton destruction created by a main character in a game. Furthermore, in analyzing trauma, we use the term “PTSD” in the clinical sense: the disruption of the fight-or-flight response due to a traumatic event in the person’s life ( National Institute of Mental Health, 2014). In the video games we analyze, Metal Gear Solid and Max Payne, PTSD plays a major role in the decisions made by the characters as they experience traumatic events during gameplay. In addressing the issue of PTSD in digital narratives, we believe it is important to realize the different factors in motivation that lead to gaming. One of the many factors identified in gameplay is violent catharsis ( Hilgard, Engelhardt, & Bartholow, 2013). This violent catharsis is when the gamer plays a game in order to vent pent-up aggression through playable violence. While the term “violent catharsis” sparks some fierce debate, Dill and Dill (1998, p. 408) imply that this catharsis is important because violent video games are among the most played. Instead of viewing gameplay as a violent, lived experience, it can be viewed as a way to engage players in purposeful choice-making through the lens of a fictional character. Though developers should be considerate when using violent catharsis as a vehicle for gameplay, we take the stance of Gee (2006, p. 1), when he claims that popular video games are only harmful when played without “thought, reflection, and engagement with the world around [them]. ” Addressing Gee’s call for the critical reflection of games, we believe that exploring the issues of trauma and PTSD in popular media is imperative: according to the US Department of Veterans Affairs (2014), as high as 7-8% of the general American public will experience PTSD in their lifetime. The same study shows that more than half of all adults will be exposed to trauma, citing “sexual assault, child abuse … accidents, physical assault, combat, disaster, [and] witness [to] death or injury” as commonly lived scenarios. Concurrently, as the average age of gamers in America continues to rise (31 being the mean age according to a 2014 study by the Entertainment Software Association), the modern video-game market has seen an increase of games aimed at mature audiences. The Entertainment Software Rating Board (2014) may rate a game as mature if its content contains “blood and gore, ” “sexual violence, ” and “drug references, ” for example. The similarities between “mature themes” in a game and commonly-lived traumatic scenarios may not be entirely coincidental, as suggested in our subsequent data analysis. Additionally, a brief look at the latest statistics in gaming shows that nearly 50% of households play games, with 29% of those gamers under the age of 18. The number of youth who identify as gamers raises unique questions regarding PTSD in digital narratives, as recent studies show that over 88% of school-aged children are exposed to a traumatic event in their lifetime ( Luthra et al., 2008, p. 1922). While not all the aforementioned children have experienced PTSD as a result of their trauma, we examine PTSD as experienced by the literary characters in games as a way of exemplifying possible effects the theme of trauma has on gameplay. After all, over 50% of the games that children and young adults play deal with violence or trauma (being of the shooter, action, and fighter genre) in some way ( Entertainment Software Association, 2014). However, considering that the average gamer has now played games for 14 years ( Entertainment Software Association, 2014), a growing number of parent gamers have begun using video games as a way of connecting with their children and younger family members. For the first time in the history of gaming, there is a possibility of fostering inter-generational dialog regarding the role of PTSD in digital narratives. In order to promote such dialog, we now turn our attention to a brief survey of games that contain themes of violence and trauma. After giving readers a brief glimpse of games and providing the necessary historical context, we will return to our research question in order to conduct a literary analysis of two third-person shooter games (“third person” meaning a behind or over-the-shoulder view of the playable protagonist, and “shooter” meaning that aiming and firing a weapon is the prevalent game mechanic). SUPPORT GROUPS Michael A. CUCCIARE, in Evidence-Based Adjunctive Treatments, 2008 FAMILIES IMPACTED BY SUICIDE SGs designed for survivors of parental suicide have similar therapeutic processes as those developed for bereaved persons. Of course, this makes sense as these two groups create a context in which members can provide and receive emotional support surrounding the death of a family member. The empirical literature on SGs for persons who have lost a family to suicide is small; however, a recent article by Mitchell et al. (2007) provides a theoretical framework for supportive interventions for this population of individuals. They suggest that supportive interventions may be useful particularly for children who have lost a parent to suicide. They argue that the Yalom's (1995) 11 curative factors for group therapy may also apply to children, especially the instillation of hope, emphasizing universality (e. g., “other people have also lost a parent”) and interpersonal learning, facilitating group cohesion and catharsis, and imparting information. The instillation of hope in a group context may have particular importance in that it can allow bereaved children to begin trying out new ways of interacting with group members and the world around them ( Mitchell et al., 2007). Mitchell and colleagues developed an 8-week SG for bereaved children called the “Children's SOS Bereavement Support Group” (see Mitchell et al., 2007, for an outline of the SG). It is facilitated by a registered nurse and welcomes children between the ages of 7 and 13 years. Roughly 6–8 children attend the group weekly over an 8-week period. The SG generally follows Yalom's (1995) 11 factors and includes (1) an information/education component that centers on a discussion of suicide and why it happens, (2) the sharing of emotions regarding their parent's suicide, and a focus on developing hope and an appreciation for what other members have gone through, (3) a discussion of grief, and (4) a discussing of how other people react to them. The authors of this particular SG did not report any outcomes related to this specific SG. Other researchers have shown that SGs for suicide survivors can result in lessening the stigma of suicide ( Clark & Goldney, 1995); however, in general, outcome data are lacking. Cyberstalking and Bullying Pavica Sheldon,... James M. Honeycutt, in The Dark Side of Social Media, 2019 Imagined Interactions, Cyber Teasing, and Bullying Cyberbullying can be premediated as well as an instantaneous reaction to posting in which the bully may not like a given message and retaliates with aggressive messages. Premediated cyberbullying means that the bully is likely to use IIs, which is a form of social cognition, imagery, and daydreaming in which people mentally plan what they are going to say ( Honeycutt, 2003, 2015). A series of studies have revealed that teasers and bullies, sometimes, plan their bullying episode. A major function of IIs is rehearsal. Hence, bullies can plan what they are going to post and anticipate the reactions to it. Valence refers to the amount and diversity of emotions that are experienced while having an II ( Honeycutt, 2015). While envisioning teasing, it is possible for positive, negative, or mixed emotions to occur. Therefore those who plan aggressive teasing may enjoy it in terms of the German notion of “schadenfreude” in which people take pleasure at the grief or ridicule of others. Honeycutt and Wright (2017) examined affectionate and aggressive teasing. Affectionate teasing is a playful form of positive communication that reflects socially appropriate uses of humor to enhance interpersonal bonds. The high level of humor and a moderate level of identity confrontation in affectionate teasing help to minimize the ambiguity regarding the intent of the provocation. Common examples of playful teasing on Facebook are posting pictures of friends who are doing something fun but with a twist (for example, showing friend falling in the water skiing while attempting to use one ski). Recently, the third author’s wife posted about him cooking a meal for her after she seriously damaged her hand in an accident and he took over as a “gourmet” with little experience. Aggressive teasing is cruel and moderate in humor and ambiguity, and high in identity confrontation ( Kowalski et al., 2001). Aggressive teasing is designed to denigrate the identity of the target and create relational distance, and social rejection. This signals a deliberate effort to invoke face threat rather than playful jest as aggressive teasing is employed for destructive ends ( Kowalski, 2007). A major function of IIs is conflict-linkage in which people deal with arguments and grievances introspectively. It is possible that ruminating about arguments is associated with vindictive cyber teasing as catharsis is released while keeping the prior conflicts alive. Indeed, recall the notion of gunny sacking in which people unleash repressed grievances from the past, which may be unrelated to the current argument (see Honeycutt & Sheldon, 2018). Honeycutt and Wright (2017) found that self-esteem was positively associated with affectionate teasing and negatively related to aggressive teasing. Aggressive teasing was characterized by using IIs to ruminate about conflict, catharsis, and rehearsal. While teasing can be friendly or negative, bullying is a blatant act of aggression in which the goal is to harm the survivor ( Juvonen & Graham, 2014). Research reveals that bullies have IIs with a target following the encounter ( Krawietz & Honeycutt, 2017). In addition, these IIs elicit positive emotions. Hence, the cyber bully enjoys replaying the posts. They may use visual imagery in which they fantasize about how the target may be agonizing over the post or video. Verbal imagery is used in terms of posting content of the message while mixed imagery represents a combination of both ( Honeycutt, 2003). As for the finding of retroactivity and positive valence, bullies could possibly be thought of as basking in their glory in accordance with game theory, which explains conflict and cooperation and is based on strategic foresight. Game theory investigates interactions between individuals in which they make decisions that could affect one parties in the interaction ( Bostrom, 1970; Honeycutt & Eldredge, 2015; Rasmusen, 2007; Von Neumann & Morgenstern, 1953). When cyberbullying is viewed as a power, dominance game, trigger strategies can be used in terms of game theory based on successive iterations of moves (episodes) ( Mailath & Samuelson, 2006). Relatedly, Macklem (2003) discusses how children who are both bullies and targets, fight back which excites the bully and lose when confronted by an aggressive bully. Research reveals that a small group of individuals that are regularly bullied also bully others ( Kowalski & Limber, 2013). Relatedly, general strain theory espouses that the strain and stress of bullying can have disastrous, long-term outcomes in terms of deviancy ( Agnew, 2006). There may be a cycle of bullying-target-antisocial behavioral reaction. The antisocial behaviors are due to finding an outlet for emotions. Unfortunately, in this cycle, the antisocial behaviors resemble the II catharsis function that is dysfunctional. Research confirms that both bullies and targets are often emotionally harmed by cyberbullying. Targets of bullying can use retroactive and proactive IIs to predict how the bully will respond. One reason for the positively affected retroactive IIs for bullies may be because they have reached an outcome or payoff that benefits them the best. One speculation for satisfaction comes from research conducted by Berger and Caravita (2015) in which they discovered that Machiavellianism and perceived popularity are associated with the bully. So, based on their finding, we speculate that individuals who bully could forecast or replay encounters in their head determine how successful their manipulative tactics were. If these tactics were in fact successful, then the end result could be positive IIs. An interesting mechanism for bullies and targets is to set up multiple social media accounts to hide their identity and only make it available to selected friends. FINSTAs stand for fake Instagram accounts. Conversely, RINSTAs are real Instagram accounts. While these are often used to prevent employer oversight, RINSTAs are associated with a user’s first and surname. The RINSTA account is likely the one that is revealed in a Google search. The FINSTAs usually have a fictional screen name that is based on an inside joke or some identifying characteristic that only that person’s close friends know about. Table 3. 2 reveals various characteristics of FINSTAs and RINSTAs. The following quote is poignant in terms of cyberbullying is easily facilitated by FINSTAs. 2. Characteristics of Fake and Real Instagram Account Users • Dominated by female, teenage users (though boys use them too) • Finsta handles are often sexually explicit • Finsta handles are elusive in order to escape the detection of searches by employers, parents, or schools, but obvious enough to be known by their friends • A Finsta’s creator can be traced by an experienced user by analyzing the Finsta’s followers, posts, and respective reactions and interactions with other users, such as likes, comments, and regrams (reposting for other users to view) • Finstas often intentionally cross paths with Rinstas (real Instagrams) to launch social media cyberbullying and emotional abuse • Due to their anonymity, Finstas are a preferred platform for teens to strategically humiliate, ostracize, and bully others • Although Finstas may begin with good intentions, most ultimately digress into a conduit for cyber aggression or fan the flames of social drama in the form of likes, comments, and regrams • Finstas that create mental, psychological, or emotional trauma are subject to school-related discipline if and when they eventually bleed into and disrupt the learning environment of school. The lines of outside bullying and school have become increasingly blurred by social media platforms Adapted from. FINSTAs have become the Wild West of social media: the only rule is that there are no rules; couple that with (perceived) anonymity, angst, sexual curiosity, envy, insecurity, relationships and rivalry, etc. and you have entered the world of FINSTAs. The world of FINSTAs is fun, until it isn’t; users are anonymous, until they aren’t; they’re harmless, until they’re malicious, and they have no impact, until their blunt force trauma takes teens out at the knees ( Patterson, 2016).
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